Khosro Isfahani is the research director at the National Union for Democracy in Iran.
A common question immigrants face after living in the United States for a little while is about culture shock — what has surprised you the most about America? For some, the answer is about the hectic pace of life. For others, it’s the food, the language or the customs. But for someone like me, who came here from Iran, the greatest shock has been something else entirely: the sense that many Americans seem uneasy, even conflicted, about their own country.
When I arrived in New York in August 2023, heading to Maine to teach at Colby College as a visiting human-rights fellow, I carried with me a lifetime shaped by the Islamic Republic’s oppression and propaganda. In Iran, “Death to America” is not just a slogan. It is a constant refrain, broadcast on television, painted on walls, chanted in schools.
But inside my childhood home in Tehran, my family built something different. My father ran an underground film club. Movies such as “And Justice for All” and “The Matrix” and even Disney classics were smuggled into Iran, sometimes inside washing machines, first on VHS tapes, later on DVDs. Though illegal, the films my father showed exposed me to ideas that felt unimaginable under the Islamic Republic: justice, individual freedom and a world where ordinary people could challenge oppressive systems. To us, America was not a villain. It was a guiding light.
That belief came at a cost. My father spent years in prison for political dissent. He lost friends to executions and mass graves. He was beaten by police during the 2009 Green Movement and ultimately died after years under the weight of a regime that crushes opposition. My mother lost sight in one eye from repeated exposure to pepper spray and tear gas. I lost my country, and as long as this regime still stands, I may never see it again.
And yet, through all of it, America remained a symbol of something better. That is why what I found after I arrived here felt so jarring.
As America approaches the 250th anniversary of its independence, national pride is at a historic low. This loss of confidence in the American project takes different forms. On the left, it can appear as a tendency to focus so heavily on the country’s perceived sins that its promise is obscured. On the right, it often shows up as deep distrust in the institutions that sustain the republic. Flags are waved, but faith in the system beneath them is chipped away.
The consequences extend beyond domestic politics. China, Russia and Iran are not just geopolitical rivals. They are ideological ones. Each benefits from a U.S. that is divided, uncertain and increasingly cynical about itself. They do not need to defeat America militarily if Americans no longer believe in their own system.
Of those adversaries, Iran stands apart. It is ruled by a regime that glorifies martyrdom over life, has spent decades exporting violence and openly calls for America’s destruction. It also exploits division through influence networks that pose as Western voices and artificial-intelligence-driven disinformation designed to deepen doubt.
When the Iranian regime is weakened — as it was last June with the combined U.S. and Israeli strikes on its nuclear program and again with the larger operation beginning in February — the world becomes safer. When the regime regains confidence, the danger grows. Yet, even as Americans recognize the danger posed by Iran, public opinion reflects a disconnect. Majorities oppose military action and doubt that any agreement will stop its nuclear ambitions. The skepticism reflects an understandable temptation to minimize and rationalize a threat until it’s too late.
That instinct matters more in a democracy than in an authoritarian state. The Islamic Republic does not depend on the consent of its people. It can pursue its ambitions regardless of public opinion, even as ordinary Iranians suffer. The U.S. cannot. Its strength depends, in part, on a shared belief that the democratic system is worth defending. When that belief weakens, so does the nation’s ability to act. That is precisely the mindset Iran’s long-running strategy of attacking and undermining the West, particularly the “Great Satan,” is designed to exploit.
Having lived under a government that demands loyalty while offering none in return, I know what it costs to speak freely. That is why the casual dismissal of American freedoms is so perilous.
For millions of people around the world, America is more than a place. It is the idea that freedom and dignity can exist. Where I grew up, that idea was mocked in public and quietly cherished in private. It sustained my family as the costs grew heavier and carried me through exile. Now, in my adopted homeland, this precious idea is too often taken for granted.
If Americans lose their appreciation for the founding principles that have sustained the country for 250 years, the consequences would not be confined to their own politics. A signal that shines far beyond America’s borders would be dimmed, for those in other lands who still regard the U.S. as proof that a different, better life is possible.
For me, the red, white and blue is not an abstraction. It is the idea my father never let go of, and the standard by which freedom is measured. America does not need perfection to endure. But it needs belief.
---
I pray for both sides to find a candidate who will run to unite us, rather than keep the pendulum swinging. On this Memorial Day, let us find a true hero to lead us instead of keeping the hatred alive. For both sides to quit pointing fingers, to see how they have contributed to where we are at this point & want to be the great nation this man from Iran grew up believing in. We are nowhere near being similar to Iran, no matter what some on the left might say. Quit believing the lies & doomsayers. Work together instead.
Nothing wrong with rooting for the home team. That was a wonderful biography tidbit. I hope you bring more in future Understandablies. As a Virginian, I find using the 'C' word* in these days of red hats tends to fall on very deaf authoritarian-cheering ears. *Constitution
May I add that Rhode Island was hardly alone in their interest for personal liberties. Jefferson and Madison (near demi-gods to us in the Old Dominion) had bantered back and forth over the Bill of Rights content for three years prior to 1790. There are reasons for the order of inclusion of the elements of the 1st Amendment above all others in priority or purpose. Madison cribbed liberally from George Mason's earlier work in my own state constitution's Declaration of Rights. Mason wouldn't even consider signing the Constitution as it lacked these basics. [Note - Mason's brainchild has its own 250th birthday on June 12th. I wonder how much of his philosophy was influenced by Roger Williams a century before?]
Funny, at 40+ years post graduating HS from the public system in NoVa, I could recall all but the date of Mason's contribution from memory. Will future unwashed masses have such a basic education prior generations felt sufficiently valuable to offer freely to all?
I love the newsletter, and I really appreciate the lesson today on Rhode Island. I’m sure you’re aware that Roger Williams actually founded the first Baptist church in America in 1638. The First Baptist Church of Providence still exists, making it the oldest Baptist church in the country. As a Baptist pastor myself, Williams is a large figure, and we Baptists today have within our DNA his commitment to freedoms of conscience and religion. With the push of many today to advocate for Christian Nationalism, we owe Williams a debt of gratitude for laying the theological and philosophical groundwork for keeping the state house out of the church house.
a bit of optimism and looking ahead:
c/p WaPo opinion piece written by man from Iran
Khosro Isfahani is the research director at the National Union for Democracy in Iran.
A common question immigrants face after living in the United States for a little while is about culture shock — what has surprised you the most about America? For some, the answer is about the hectic pace of life. For others, it’s the food, the language or the customs. But for someone like me, who came here from Iran, the greatest shock has been something else entirely: the sense that many Americans seem uneasy, even conflicted, about their own country.
When I arrived in New York in August 2023, heading to Maine to teach at Colby College as a visiting human-rights fellow, I carried with me a lifetime shaped by the Islamic Republic’s oppression and propaganda. In Iran, “Death to America” is not just a slogan. It is a constant refrain, broadcast on television, painted on walls, chanted in schools.
But inside my childhood home in Tehran, my family built something different. My father ran an underground film club. Movies such as “And Justice for All” and “The Matrix” and even Disney classics were smuggled into Iran, sometimes inside washing machines, first on VHS tapes, later on DVDs. Though illegal, the films my father showed exposed me to ideas that felt unimaginable under the Islamic Republic: justice, individual freedom and a world where ordinary people could challenge oppressive systems. To us, America was not a villain. It was a guiding light.
That belief came at a cost. My father spent years in prison for political dissent. He lost friends to executions and mass graves. He was beaten by police during the 2009 Green Movement and ultimately died after years under the weight of a regime that crushes opposition. My mother lost sight in one eye from repeated exposure to pepper spray and tear gas. I lost my country, and as long as this regime still stands, I may never see it again.
And yet, through all of it, America remained a symbol of something better. That is why what I found after I arrived here felt so jarring.
As America approaches the 250th anniversary of its independence, national pride is at a historic low. This loss of confidence in the American project takes different forms. On the left, it can appear as a tendency to focus so heavily on the country’s perceived sins that its promise is obscured. On the right, it often shows up as deep distrust in the institutions that sustain the republic. Flags are waved, but faith in the system beneath them is chipped away.
The consequences extend beyond domestic politics. China, Russia and Iran are not just geopolitical rivals. They are ideological ones. Each benefits from a U.S. that is divided, uncertain and increasingly cynical about itself. They do not need to defeat America militarily if Americans no longer believe in their own system.
Of those adversaries, Iran stands apart. It is ruled by a regime that glorifies martyrdom over life, has spent decades exporting violence and openly calls for America’s destruction. It also exploits division through influence networks that pose as Western voices and artificial-intelligence-driven disinformation designed to deepen doubt.
When the Iranian regime is weakened — as it was last June with the combined U.S. and Israeli strikes on its nuclear program and again with the larger operation beginning in February — the world becomes safer. When the regime regains confidence, the danger grows. Yet, even as Americans recognize the danger posed by Iran, public opinion reflects a disconnect. Majorities oppose military action and doubt that any agreement will stop its nuclear ambitions. The skepticism reflects an understandable temptation to minimize and rationalize a threat until it’s too late.
That instinct matters more in a democracy than in an authoritarian state. The Islamic Republic does not depend on the consent of its people. It can pursue its ambitions regardless of public opinion, even as ordinary Iranians suffer. The U.S. cannot. Its strength depends, in part, on a shared belief that the democratic system is worth defending. When that belief weakens, so does the nation’s ability to act. That is precisely the mindset Iran’s long-running strategy of attacking and undermining the West, particularly the “Great Satan,” is designed to exploit.
Having lived under a government that demands loyalty while offering none in return, I know what it costs to speak freely. That is why the casual dismissal of American freedoms is so perilous.
For millions of people around the world, America is more than a place. It is the idea that freedom and dignity can exist. Where I grew up, that idea was mocked in public and quietly cherished in private. It sustained my family as the costs grew heavier and carried me through exile. Now, in my adopted homeland, this precious idea is too often taken for granted.
If Americans lose their appreciation for the founding principles that have sustained the country for 250 years, the consequences would not be confined to their own politics. A signal that shines far beyond America’s borders would be dimmed, for those in other lands who still regard the U.S. as proof that a different, better life is possible.
For me, the red, white and blue is not an abstraction. It is the idea my father never let go of, and the standard by which freedom is measured. America does not need perfection to endure. But it needs belief.
---
I pray for both sides to find a candidate who will run to unite us, rather than keep the pendulum swinging. On this Memorial Day, let us find a true hero to lead us instead of keeping the hatred alive. For both sides to quit pointing fingers, to see how they have contributed to where we are at this point & want to be the great nation this man from Iran grew up believing in. We are nowhere near being similar to Iran, no matter what some on the left might say. Quit believing the lies & doomsayers. Work together instead.
Nothing wrong with rooting for the home team. That was a wonderful biography tidbit. I hope you bring more in future Understandablies. As a Virginian, I find using the 'C' word* in these days of red hats tends to fall on very deaf authoritarian-cheering ears. *Constitution
May I add that Rhode Island was hardly alone in their interest for personal liberties. Jefferson and Madison (near demi-gods to us in the Old Dominion) had bantered back and forth over the Bill of Rights content for three years prior to 1790. There are reasons for the order of inclusion of the elements of the 1st Amendment above all others in priority or purpose. Madison cribbed liberally from George Mason's earlier work in my own state constitution's Declaration of Rights. Mason wouldn't even consider signing the Constitution as it lacked these basics. [Note - Mason's brainchild has its own 250th birthday on June 12th. I wonder how much of his philosophy was influenced by Roger Williams a century before?]
Funny, at 40+ years post graduating HS from the public system in NoVa, I could recall all but the date of Mason's contribution from memory. Will future unwashed masses have such a basic education prior generations felt sufficiently valuable to offer freely to all?
I love the newsletter, and I really appreciate the lesson today on Rhode Island. I’m sure you’re aware that Roger Williams actually founded the first Baptist church in America in 1638. The First Baptist Church of Providence still exists, making it the oldest Baptist church in the country. As a Baptist pastor myself, Williams is a large figure, and we Baptists today have within our DNA his commitment to freedoms of conscience and religion. With the push of many today to advocate for Christian Nationalism, we owe Williams a debt of gratitude for laying the theological and philosophical groundwork for keeping the state house out of the church house.